Before the untimely death of Yevgeny Prigozhin in that suspicious, still unexplained airplane crash in August of this year, I wrote six blog chapters entitled “Where’s Yevgeny?” I had to stop, of course, when we were told that his body parts had been identified in a wreckage on a field somewhere northwest of Moscow. We now know exactly where he is buried . . . or, at least, we have the Kremlin’s word for it.

But Yevgeny’s legacy is one of continuing mystery. What will be the ultimate fate of his Wagner Group? Will a substantial number of its members stay together, or will they — like the old Soviet Union — be broken into discrete parts? What will their purpose be? Will they remain an independent mercenary organization, or will they be absorbed by the Russian military? And . . . the big question . . . who will lead them in their next incarnation?

For the most part, those questions remain unanswered. But one name — Dimitry Sytii — has already popped up in the Central African Republic (CAR), where he is apparently at work endeavoring to preserve the Wagner Group’s multi-billion-dollar African operations.

That’s not a small undertaking for anyone, let alone a 34-year-old relative unknown. But he is not unknown within the Wagner Group or to its African clients. Born in Belarus, and a multi-lingual graduate of a French business school with a master’s degree in marketing and business, he worked first for Prigozhin’s Internet Research Agency (you know — the bunch who were so busy interfering in our elections). He has spent the past half-decade managing Wagner’s corporate and propaganda ventures in Africa. He doesn’t look the part of a Wagnerite: unlike their typical beefy, tough-looking military types, his slight build, dark beard and long hair have been described as giving him “an almost saintly look . . . reminiscent of a revolutionary Che Guevara.” [Benoit Faucon and Gabriele Steinhauser, The Wall Street Journal, September 21, 2023.] I’m not sure about the “saintly look,” but he certainly does stand out among his fellow Wagner Group members.

But he doesn’t claim to be a fighter; he’s a manager, a facilitator, the guy who handles the finances and makes the deals that keep the group operating. According to people “familiar with Wagner’s business operations,” he is said to oversee “a network of front companies that the group has used to export gold, diamonds, lumber and other raw materials from his base in the Central African Republic. Sytii also directs Wagner-funded media outlets and social-media campaigns that share anti-Western propaganda designed to prop up Moscow-friendly leaders . . .” [Faucon and Steinhauser, The Wall Street Journal, September 21, 2023.]

Not a bad resume for such a young man. But he is not without competition, specifically from other mercenary companies managed by oligarchs closely associated with Vladimir Putin. So, as with everything else in Russia, it all tracks back to the catbird seat in the Kremlin . . . and what its occupant will decide remains to be seen.

Young Mr. Sytii has one or two other serious hurdles to overcome in the battle for dominance. Despite his invaluable experience and knowledge of the workings of the Wagner Group’s activities in Africa, he was, after all, Prigozhin’s man. And this must necessarily have Putin questioning where Sytii’s loyalties lie — other than to Sytii himself, of course. He also lacks Prigozhin’s history of connections with Putin and the people closest to him: connections that facilitated Prigozhin’s journey to fame and fortune — and to that last, catastrophic fall to earth. Mr. Sytii would do well to keep that in mind.

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It will be interesting to follow the continuing saga of the Wagner Group’s direction post-Prigozhin, and the future of Dmitry Sytii and others as they attempt to navigate the murky waters of Kremlin intrigue. Stay tuned for updates.

Brendochka
10/1/23